Morphosyntactic form of Korean fragments is relevant to their resolution

Joanna Nykiel, Jong-Bok Kim, Rok Sim, Okgi Kim


We offer evidence for a structural identity constraint between a fragment and the structurally parallel position in the antecedent (which we term correspondent here). We ask if there is a preference for morphosyntactic match (generally in terms of syntactic category, but in terms of case marking in the Korean data discussed here) between a fragment and its correspondent. This question follows from the idea that in order to interpret fragments, the parser directly accesses content-addressable representations stored in memory, using as retrieval cues the linguistic information that fragments provide. We explore this preference using experimental data from Korean. In three acceptability judgment experiments, we demonstrate that (1) morphosyntactic match between fragments and correspondents is favored over mismatch, (2) the acceptability of mismatch is directional, favoring fragments that are morphosyntactically less complex than correspondents over the reverse, and (3) caseless fragments are degraded when paired with implicit correspondents compared to explicit ones.


ellipsis; morphosyntactic match; fragments; sluicing; Korean; direct-access mechanism

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Copyright (c) 2018 Joanna Nykiel, Jong-Bok Kim, Rok Sim, Okgi Kim

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