Inter- and intrasentential anaphora: the case of the Ancient Greek participle

Corien Bary, Dag Haug


This paper offers a formal model of the temporal behavior of Ancient Greek participles in their functions as elaborations, frames and independent rhemes. We model how they differ from each other and from main clauses, focusing in particular on the phenomenon of narrative progression. The theory integrates LFG and CDRT, using Glue semantics.


participles; aspect; temporality; DRT; LFG; Glue Semantics; anaphora; Ancient Greek; discourse

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