Generalised Crossover

Patrick D. Elliott, Yasutada Sudo


Crossover (CO) is a constraint on anaphoric dependencies, according to which, quantifier scope can feed pronominal anaphora unless the anaphoric expression precedes the quantifier. We demonstrate that effects reminiscent of CO arise with presupposition as well, and propose to generalise CO as follows: Projective content (quantifier scope, presupposition projection, etc.) feeds semantic dependencies (pronominal anaphora, presupposition satisfaction), unless the semantically dependent expression precedes the trigger of the projective content. We call this generalisation, Generalised Crossover (GCO). Although we cannot offer a full explanation for GCO in this paper, we will discuss its implications for recent theories of CO.

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