The Celtic roots of English. Ed. by Markku Filppula, Juhani Klemola, and Heli Pitkänen. (Studies in languages 37.) Joensuu: University of Joensuu, Faculty of Humanities, 2002. Pp. xii, 330. ISBN 9524581647. €22.
Reviewed by David Stifter, University of Vienna
Whereas recent influence exerted by the vernacular Celtic languages on the local varieties of English in Wales, Ireland, and Scotland is a well-known fact, the influence of Celtic languages on the development of the early stages of English in England itself has been widely ignored or even positively denied. The received view, reiterated in influential textbooks throughout the twentieth century (1–5), holds that the invading Germanic tribes either drove out or massacred the previous inhabitants or put the earlier population in a subjugated position where—despite 1,500 years of coexistence on the British Isles—they were able to leave only a minimal amount of influence on English phonology, syntax, and lexis. Only a small number of place names is supposed to have not been taken over by the new ‘masters’. This textbook view goes against what modern contact research has taught us to expect. Languages in coexistence for such a long time normally give rise to various effects of mutual influence (Sarah Grey Thomason & Terrence Kaufmann, Language contact, creolization, and genetic linguistics, University of California Press, 1988).
The study of Insular Celtic substratum influence on the grammar, especially the syntax, of English has therefore received relatively little attention; it says something about the attitude prevalent among scholars in the Anglo-Saxon world that the main advances in the last several years have been made through the initiative of people from Germany (notably Hildegard L. C. Tristram) and Finland. In August 2001, in Mekrijärvi, Finland, a colloquium on ‘Early contacts between English and the Celtic languages’ was held to reassess and to challenge the orthodox view from historical and linguistic perspectives. Fourteen contributions to this colloquium are assembled in the present volume. The highly informative ‘Introduction’ (1–26) by the editors provides an account of the history and current state of research on ‘Early contacts between English and the Celtic languages’, together with an extensive bibliography. The editors believe ‘that the Anglo-Saxon–Celtic contact situation must have been a case of language shift of the type which involves a large shifting group, and is further characterised by a relatively rapid process of shift and imperfect learning of the target language’ (7).
The other contributions are divided into four parts: Part 1 is devoted to ‘The earliest Anglo-Saxon/British contacts: Historical and linguistic perspectives’. Richard Coates, in ‘The significances of Celtic place-names in England’ (47–86), offers the first comprehensive list, supplemented by distribution maps, for all reasonably claimed examples of Celtic place names in England. Peter Schrijver’s ‘The rise and fall of British Latin: Evidence from English and Brittonic’ (87–110) is an important contribution to the history of the formation of the British languages. Contrary to received scholarship, Schrijver argues that Brittonic was exposed to an ‘extremely heavy Latin substratum influence … which transformed its phonemic and phonetic structure’. He argues that British sound changes went parallel with developments in Vulgar Latin/Romance in Britain. Hildegard L. C. Tristram, in ‘Attrition of inflections in English and Welsh’ (111–49), suggests a multicausal model involving internal factors and drift, but also contact-induced shift between superstrate speakers of Anglo-Saxon and substrate speakers of British to explain the change of English from a language of the synthetic type to an analytic one. Finally, Nicholas Higham discusses ‘The Anglo-Saxon/British interface: History and ideology’ (29–46).
Part 2 is entitled ‘Linguistic outcomes of Medieval and Early Modern contacts’. Against the traditional view that the English (especially Old English) lexicon contains only a handful of loans from Celtic languages, Andrew Breeze, in ‘Seven types of Celtic loanword [sic]’ (175–82), adduces a considerable list of possible examples. His contribution is a survey of the research undertaken mainly by himself (sixty-six out of the seventy-two entries in the reference list are his own!); some of the examples, however, would merit a critical reevaluation. Other chapters include: David L. White, ‘Explaining the innovations of Middle English: What, where, and why’ (153–74); Stephen Laker, ‘An explanation for the changes kw-, hw– > χw in the English dialects’ (183–98); and Juhani Klemola, ‘Periphrastic DO: Dialectal distribution and origins’ (199–210).
Part 3 is devoted to ‘The early Irish input’. Anders Ahlqvist, in ‘Cleft sentences in Irish and other languages’ (271–81), outlines the development of cleft sentences in the history of Irish (‘an obligatory part of the grammar’ of VSO languages (280)) and compares it typologically and contrastively to similar constructions in other languages. Part 3 also includes chapters by Patricia Ronan (‘Subordinating ocus “and” in Old Irish’, 213–36) and Erich Poppe (‘The “expanded form” in Insular Celtic and English: Some historical and comparative considerations, with special emphasis on Middle Irish’, 237–70).
The last part, but chronologically earliest in scope, is ‘Pre-historical linguistics’. Theo Vennemann, in ‘Semitic → Celtic → English: The transitivity of language contact’ (295–330), attempts to demonstrate on typological grounds that certain peculiar features of Irish English ultimately reflect substrate and superstrate influence from ‘Semitidic languages’ spoken in prehistory in parts of Europe and the British Isles. The article contains an appendix that lists the sixty-four Hamito-Semitic linguistic features claimed for Irish by Julius Pokorny in the 1920s (324–26). Part 4 is rounded out by Kalevi Wiik’s ‘On the origins of the Celts’ (285–94).