Reviewed by Eitan Grossman, Hebrew University of Jerusalem
One question and two theses are at the heart of Bohumil Vykypěl’s polemical essay. The question is the relation between contemporary functionalist linguistics and the Prague School (short answer: not much). The first thesis is that there is little novelty in contemporary functionalist linguistics. In V’s view, Prague School writings have been ignored or misunderstood by ‘empirical functionalists’, his term for linguists such as Joan Bybee, Bernard Comrie, William Croft, Talmy Givón, and Martin Haspelmath. The second thesis is that empirical functionalist criticisms of structuralism have mistakenly conflated American and European schools of structuralist linguistics in framing (European) structuralism and functionalism as incompatible.
This essay is divided into eleven brief sections, most several pages long, followed by endnotes and bibliographical references. V proposes that empirical functionalists might profit from the work of the Prague School (Ch. 1), which does not fit functionalist stereotypes of structuralism since European structuralists do not hold the ‘Saussurean dogmas’ (arbitrariness of the linguistic sign, langue vs. parole, synchrony vs. diachrony) in a simplistic fashion (Ch. 2). A recurring theme (and the topic of Ch. 4) is that many of the ideas presented as novel by empirical functionalists were earlier proposed by Prague School linguists. Ch. 3 treats the Prague notions of the flexible stability of language, synchronic dynamism, and the distinction between the center and periphery of language systems. Ch. 5 shows that functionalist approaches to the relationship between reality and language echo earlier structuralist views.
Ch. 6 questions the use of the term ‘typology’ by functionalists, as well as their separation of description and explanation. In Ch. 7, V situates the Prague School vis-à-vis the Neogrammarians. V claims that empirical functionalists are ‘non-functional functionalists’ in Chs. 8 and 9. In Ch. 10, V urges functionalists to be both structuralist and functionalist. Ch. 11 concludes the essay with some ways in which empirical functionalist work might interest or benefit Prague School scholars.
Most of the argumentation amounts to referring to earlier work by Prague School scholars. V does not confront empirical functionalism on theoretical or empirical grounds, but rather highlights the fact that many linguists, regardless of affiliation, have developed functionalist approaches. Moreover, V’s critical approach applies to his own narrative as well: Prague School scholars were not the first to propose many of the ideas that they espoused, and the view of nineteenth century linguistics found in this book is as one-dimensional as V finds contemporary treatments of European structuralism to be.
If we look beyond the author’s rhetoric, however, some of his points are valid. European structuralism is more heterogeneous than it is sometimes made out to be and often differs significantly from American structuralism. Moreover, V is right to point out that for many linguists, especially those occupied with language description, structuralist and functionalist models are compatible in theory and practice.
The principal contribution of this book is in drawing connections between different functionalist traditions that were separated by all-too-common ruptures in the ‘bibliographical chain’.