Multiple Dependency in Blackfoot

Authors

  • Donald G. Frantz Summer Institute of Linguistics

DOI:

https://doi.org/10.3765/bls.v5i0.3256

Abstract

This is a brief study of Blackfoot sentences in which a single nominal bears relations to both an upstairs (matrix) and downstairs (embedded) clause. In particular, I wish to focus attention on the linear positions possible for such nominals, for they indicate the need for revision of a "law" of Arc Pair Grammar (APG) (Johnson and Postal, to appear).

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Published

1979-07-18

Issue

Section

Articles