Multiple Dependency in Blackfoot
DOI:
https://doi.org/10.3765/bls.v5i0.3256Abstract
This is a brief study of Blackfoot sentences in which a single nominal bears relations to both an upstairs (matrix) and downstairs (embedded) clause. In particular, I wish to focus attention on the linear positions possible for such nominals, for they indicate the need for revision of a "law" of Arc Pair Grammar (APG) (Johnson and Postal, to appear).