Quantifier Float, Focus, and Scope in Thai

Peter Jenks

Abstract


In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt:

Quantifier Raising (QR) has been independently claimed to possess similar proper-ties as Q(uantifier)-float. I argue elsewhere that Q-float and QR share these properties in Thai because Q-float is overt QR in Thai (Jenks 2011). Here I argue that Q-float is driven by focus on the floated quantifier, following Simpson (2011). This is unsurprising, as other rightward movement phenomena such as heavy-NP shift and subject inversion are associated with focus on the rightward element.


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DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v39i1.3872