Pseudo-scoping out of tensed clauses: cumulation vs. buildups

Authors

  • Jonathan Palucci McGill University

DOI:

https://doi.org/10.3765/elm.3.5854

Keywords:

Quantifier raising, universal quantification, scope islands, tensed complement clauses, cumulativity, event structure, pseudo-scope

Abstract

Tensed complement clauses are often assumed to be scope islands for quan- tifier raising (QR) of universal quantifiers. However, as observed by Farkas & Gi- annakidou 1996, Barker 2022, Hoeks et al. 2022, a.o., there are apparent counterex- amples to this assumption, where a universal DP appears to scope out of a tensed complement clause to take scope over a singular indefinite in the matrix clause, hence- forth ’variation readings’. Hoeks et al. 2022 propose that QR out of tensed clauses is possible, but only in event structural configurations which involve buildup processes. In this paper, we report experimental results providing evidence that variation readings are not sensitive to buildups. We then offer an alternative analysis, capturing variation readings as a form of cumulation, and we present experimental results supporting this analysis. The empirical generalization suggests that tensed complement clauses are islands for QR after all, and apparent counterexamples are due to other mechanisms.

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Published

2025-01-24

Issue

Section

Articles