Emphatically stressed demonstratives

Authors

  • Charley Evan Beller Johns Hopkins University

DOI:

https://doi.org/10.3765/exabs.v0i0.578

Abstract

Unlike pronouns stressed demonstratives do not require disjoint reference, but only expressive NPs can be stressed (2). ( Jack kissed Mary ) (1) a. I hate that PIG. b. ? I hate that DOCTOR. (2) Every intern who works for a senator ends up disliking that CREEP. In (2) the demonstrative can corefer with the indefinite so long as the indefinite scopes over the quantified subject, i.e. all the interns work for the same senator. Emphatic stress predicates an attitude of the speaker on an individual provided by the DP which rules out the non-referential donkey interpretations.

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Published

2012-04-08