Featural definition of syntactic positions: Evidence from hyper-raising

Authors

  • Suzana Fong Massachusetts Institute of Technology

DOI:

https://doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v3i1.4282

Keywords:

hyper-raising, PIC, featural definition of syntactic positions, A/A-bar distinction, accusative subjects, Mongolian

Abstract

Hyper-raising consists in raising a DP from an embedded finite clause into the matrix clause. HR introduces a phase problem: the embedded clause is finite, which is supposed to be impervious to raising. This can be overcome by postulating A-features at the C of the the embedded clause. They trigger the movement of the subject to [Spec, CP]. Being at the edge of a phase, it is visible to a matrix probe. If successful, this analysis provides support for the claim that syntactic positions are not inherently A or A-bar; they can be defined featurally instead.

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Published

2018-03-03

How to Cite

Fong, Suzana. 2018. “Featural Definition of Syntactic Positions: Evidence from Hyper-Raising”. Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 3 (1): 2:1–15. https://doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v3i1.4282.