Featural definition of syntactic positions: Evidence from hyper-raising

Suzana Fong

Abstract


Hyper-raising consists in raising a DP from an embedded finite clause into the matrix clause. HR introduces a phase problem: the embedded clause is finite, which is supposed to be impervious to raising. This can be overcome by postulating A-features at the C of the the embedded clause. They trigger the movement of the subject to [Spec, CP]. Being at the edge of a phase, it is visible to a matrix probe. If successful, this analysis provides support for the claim that syntactic positions are not inherently A or A-bar; they can be defined featurally instead.

Keywords


hyper-raising; PIC; featural definition of syntactic positions; A/A-bar distinction; accusative subjects; Mongolian

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DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v3i1.4282

Copyright (c) 2018 Suzana Fong

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