Featural definition of syntactic positions: Evidence from hyper-raising
Keywords:hyper-raising, PIC, featural definition of syntactic positions, A/A-bar distinction, accusative subjects, Mongolian
AbstractHyper-raising consists in raising a DP from an embedded finite clause into the matrix clause. HR introduces a phase problem: the embedded clause is finite, which is supposed to be impervious to raising. This can be overcome by postulating A-features at the C of the the embedded clause. They trigger the movement of the subject to [Spec, CP]. Being at the edge of a phase, it is visible to a matrix probe. If successful, this analysis provides support for the claim that syntactic positions are not inherently A or A-bar; they can be defined featurally instead.
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