Obligatory dative clitic-doubling of type III experiencers in Bulgnais

Edward J. Rubin

Abstract


The correlation between the position of the Dative experiencer of a type III psych-verb relative to the verb itself and the obligatory vs. optional nature of an associated Dative clitic has seldom been noted in the literature, and it has never previously been explained. This paper presents relevant new data from Bulgnais (Bologna, Italy), and it proposes that these verbs, in the languages that require the Dative clitic with the preverbal Dative experiencer, have an additional strong lexical property beyond inherent Case licensing. Like Case licensing, this property requires feature checking, which is satisfied alternately by the clitic (unmarked word-order) or by the experiencer phrase. Only when the clitic checks the lexically required feature can the full experiencer move to the preverbal position, because otherwise, it is frozen in a postverbal position by its role in checking the mentioned strong lexical feature, which occurs lower in the verbal domain.

Keywords


dative; clitic; experiencer; doubling

Full Text:

PDF


DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v3i1.4299

Copyright (c) 2018 Edward J. Rubin

Creative Commons License
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.

Donate to the Open-Access Fund of the LSA

Linguistic Society of America


Advancing the Scientific Study of Language

ISSN (online): 2473-8689

This publication is made available for free to readers and with no charge to authors thanks in part to your continuing LSA membership and your donations to the open access fund.

The LSA is pleased to announce that Steve Anderson, former LSA President, has offered to match all donations made to the Society’s open access fund, up to $10,000, between now and the end of 2019. more ...