Principle A and feature valuation


  • Andrei Antonenko Stony Brook University



binding theory, minimalist program, reflexives, principle A


Traditional binding theory is largely incompatible with minimalist assumptions. In this paper I propose an analysis of anaphoric binding based on a feature-checking mechanism (Pesetsky and Torrego 2007), by introducing the feature [p], a formalization of the reflexivity proposal of Reinhart and Reuland 1993, I argue that the [p] feature is responsible for establishing coreference between an anaphor and its antecedent, by being present and valued on reflexives while being unvalued on a higher phrasal head. Valuation of [p] under Agree results in the introduction of a λ-operator, which binds the reflexive variable, thereby establishing the coreference between an anaphor and its antecedent. I further demonstrate how this revision of binding theory can derive subject orientation of monomorphemic anaphors, Barss-Lasnik effects, and restrict at which moment of derivation binding theory can apply. In conclusion I show some novel asymmetries observed in wh-dislocated reflexives in English vs. Russian indirect questions.

Author Biography

  • Andrei Antonenko, Stony Brook University
    Lecturer, Department of Linguistics




How to Cite

Antonenko, Andrei. 2018. “Principle A and Feature Valuation”. Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 3 (1): 37:1–15.