Nominative subjects of infinitives in Hungarian subject-control predicates: Postsyntactic copying and the overt realization of PRO

Kevin Kwong


In Hungarian, the focused subject of the infinitival complement of a subject-control verb appears as a pronoun or lexical DP in nominative case. I propose that this nominative form realizes PRO at PF, but does not exist at Syntax, where PRO is caseless. PRO is overtly realized by postsyntactic copying of the phi-feature of case (and other material) from the controlling nominative matrix subject.


Hungarian; infinitive; control; focus; case; agreement; PF; copying

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