Vivid attitudes: Centered situations in the semantics of 'remember' and 'imagine'
DOI:
https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v20i0.2582Keywords:
'imagine', 'remember', propositional attitudes, direct perception reports, centered worlds, situation semanticsAbstract
This paper deals with a subset of uses of propositional attitude predicates such as 'remember' and 'imagine.' I argue that these have a distinct "vivid" reading, which requires direct witnessing or sensory perception similar to that required in direct perception reports. To account for this use, I introduce a notion of centered situations, combining situations in the sense of Kratzer (1989) with centered worlds in the sense of Lewis (1979) and others. I propose that, on their vivid uses, these predicates make reference to a (real or possible) centered situation. This makes it possible in particular to account for attitude reports that are simultaneously vivid and obligatorily 'de se.'Downloads
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2010-08-14
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Articles appearing in SALT are published under an author agreement with the Linguistic Society of America and are made available to readers under a Creative Commons Attribution License.