A multistratal account of the projective Tagalog evidential daw
DOI:
https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v22i0.2653Keywords:
Tagalog daw, evidentiality, projection, type theory, dynamic semanticsAbstract
We present original fieldwork data as evidence that the Tagalog reportative evidential daw projects, like e.g. presuppositions and conventional implicatures (CIs), in the sense that daw can carry an implication that is immune to entailment-modifying operators. Previous work has purported that evidentials in other languages can project, but after examining these claims, we argue that the data we give for daw constitute the first evidence of a projective evidential. We then give a formally explicit account of daw in a multistratal semantics that is both dynamic and compositional. This semantics is general enough to also capture the behavior of English CIs, but avoids a well-known flaw in a previous theory of CIs due to Potts.Downloads
Published
2012-09-03
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Articles appearing in SALT are published under an author agreement with the Linguistic Society of America and are made available to readers under a Creative Commons Attribution License.