Weighted scalar constraints capture the typology of loanword adaptation
Keywords:loanwords, scalar constraints, Harmonic Grammar, Optimality Theory
This paper discusses three basic ways in which loanwords pattern differently than native vocabulary, with a particular focus on the implicational relationships that hold among generalizations that apply at different degrees of nativization. We argue that the overall typology and the effects of the core-periphery structure are best modeled if constraints are weighted as in Harmonic Grammar (Legendre, Miyata & Smolensky 1990), and violation scores are scaled according to degree of nativization. The implicational patterns of repair versus non-repair are predicted from basic patterns of interaction among scalar constraints, obviating the need for the kinds of ranking metaconditions required in ranked-constraint alternatives.
Published by the LSA with permission of the author(s) under a CC BY 3.0 license.