https://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/gateway/plugin/WebFeedGatewayPlugin/atomProceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00AMP 2022 Proceedings Editorsamp2022ucla@gmail.comOpen Journal SystemsThe official proceedings of the <a href="http://blogs.umass.edu/amp-info/">Annual Meetings on Phonology</a>. <span>The 2022 Annual Meeting on Phonology (AMP) was held at UCLA from 21–23 October</span>. Information on the submission procedure is available <a title="Submissions" href="/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/about/submissions#onlineSubmissions">here</a>.https://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5565Editor's Note2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Noah ElkinsBruce HayesJinyoung JoJian-Leat Siah
<div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>The Ninth Annual Meeting on Phonology (AMP 2022) was hosted by the UCLA Department of Linguistics on October 21-23, 2022. This editor's note to the Proceedings of AMP 2022 discusses abstract submission and acceptance, the review process, and the editors' acknowledgements.</span></p></div></div></div>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Noah Elkins, Bruce Hayes, Jinyoung Jo, Jian-Leat Siahhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5564The Phonology of the Definite Determiners in Yemeni Tihami Arabic2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Mohammed J. Al-Ariqy
<p>This paper analyzes the phonology of the definite determiner (DET) of two Yemeni Tihami Arabic dialects. The underlying Det for one dialect (the <em>b-dialect</em>) is /b-/: [θoor] ‘ox’- [b-θoor] ‘the ox’, and /m/ for another dialect (the <em>OCP</em> <em>m-dialect</em>): [m-θoor] ‘the ox’. Although the determiner is underlyingly different in both dialects, it fully assimilates to the following word-initial consonant if it is labial, creating a word-initial geminate. On the surface, the onset geminate behaves differently in both dialects. I present an analysis that treats them the same except for their underlying representation and the ranking of two constraints. Both dialects present further complications involving these onset geminates. In the <em>OCP</em> <em>m-dialect</em>, labial assimilation is always optional, and if the word-initial syllable is light, as in /firag/ ‘teams’, gemination is optional ([<strong>f-</strong>firag] ~ [<strong>m-</strong>firag]), but if it is heavy, gemination is resolved by epenthesis: /m-fiiraan/ → [ʔa<strong>f</strong>.fii.raan] ‘the mice’. This is explained if we assume all geminates, even word-initial ones, are moraic: in that case, epenthesis is compelled by a ban on extra-heavy syllables. In the <em>b-dialect</em>, labial assimilation is obligatory because of a high-ranking Ocp-Lab. However, gemination in heavy syllables is only optional: [<strong>f-</strong>faanuus] ~ [ʔi<strong>f</strong>.faa.nuus], ‘the lantern’.</p>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Mohammed J. Al-Ariqyhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5456Faithfulness and underspecification2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Eric BakovićWm. G. Bennett
This work is about two ‘generation problems’ for classic Optimality Theory, chain shifts and saltations. The issues for OT posed by traditional analyses of chain shifts and saltations have led to various embellishments of the classic theory, typically in the form of novel constraint types. Reiss (2021a,b) proposes a general solution to the problem of chain shifts and saltations that relies more directly on different assumptions about representations than about constraints. Specifically, Reiss assumes that underlying representations may be underspecified, and that a map ‘counts’ as a chain shift or as a saltation so long as the surface alternants from a uniform underlying representation match the respective observed alternants. We report here on three results from our ongoing formal assessment of Reiss’s proposed solution.
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Eric Bakovićhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5434The evolution of similarity avoidance: a phylogenetic approach to phonotactic change2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Chundra Cathcart
The cross-linguistic under-representation of adjacent consonants sharing a place of articulation within uninflected lexical items is well documented. At the same time, little is known regarding the specific diachronic mechanisms involved in the emergence and maintenance of this pattern. Phylogenetic analyses provide some support for the idea that adjacent identical consonants within words arise infrequently, but stronger support for the idea that words containing such a pattern die out more frequently than those without. I highlight the value of tools used in this paper for exploring the evolution of sound patterns, and also discuss some limitations of the implementation used in the paper to be improved upon.
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Chundra Cathcarthttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5451Laurentian French Affrication in External Sandhi: The Facts, and a CVCV Analysis2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Marie-Michèle BeausoleilHeather Newell
<p>Affrication (also known as Assibilation) is recognized as one of the strongest and most reliable accent markers of Laurentian French, yet its behavior in external sandhi has received little attention. It is described in the literature as variable, optional, and even prohibited. In this article, we demonstrate that affrication between two words is mandatory, prohibited, or optional depending on the syntactic relationship between the words involved. Data comes from a pilot study of 35 native speakers of Laurentian French. We offer an analysis of these effects that considers both the syntactic (phases) and phonological (CVCV Phonology) modules of each derivation.</p>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Marie-Michèle Beausoleil, Heather Newellhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5450A'ingae reduplication is phonologically optimizing2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Maksymilian Michał Dąbkowski
<span dir="ltr">In this paper, I describe and analyze reduplication in A’ingae (ISO 639-3: </span><span dir="ltr">con</span><span dir="ltr">), an understudied and </span><span dir="ltr">endangered Amazonian isolate. The reduplicant is a suffix </span><em><span dir="ltr">-ʔσ</span></em><span dir="ltr">, where </span><span dir="ltr"><em>ʔ</em> </span><span dir="ltr">is a fixed segment and </span><span dir="ltr"><em>σ</em> </span><span dir="ltr">is </span><span dir="ltr">a syllable copied from the right edge of the word. Only disyllabic roots can be reduplicated, and </span><span dir="ltr">the disyllabic root is parsed as a trochaic foot in the surface form. If the second syllable of the root </span><span dir="ltr">is a diphthong, it undergoes monophthongization in the base. </span><span dir="ltr">I model these properties with a reduplicant-specific </span><span dir="ltr">cophonology </span><span dir="ltr">(e.g. Orgun, 1996), which </span><span dir="ltr">consists of a ranking of constraints motivated elsewhere in the language’s grammar</span><span dir="ltr">. Thus, I demonstrate that A’ingae reduplication is phonologically optimizing. </span><span dir="ltr">All the data were collected by the author.</span>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Maksymilian Michał Dąbkowskihttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5433A prominence account of the Northern Mam weight hierarchy2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Noah ElkinsJennifer Kuo
<div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>Northern dialects of the Mayan language Mam have a ternary weight scale for assigning stress, with the added wrinkle that syllables with glottal codas are heavier than those with other coda types: VV > V</span><span>ʔ </span><span>> VC > V. This ranking is initially surprising under the currently accepted </span><span>prominence </span><span>theory of weight (Ryan 2019, 2020), where all codas are equally moraic in all contexts. However, a phonetic experiment undertaken by Kuo & Elkins (2022) on the Northern Todos Santos Mam variety shows that V</span><span>ʔ </span><span>(i.e. syllables with glottal codas) are realized as lengthened glottalized vowels without a [</span><span>ʔ</span><span>] release, with vowel length intermediate between that of V and VV. Consequently, the Mam hierarchy VV > V</span><span>ʔ </span><span>> VC falls out from the relative phonetic prominence of syllable types</span><span>, consistent with Ryan’s account. In Ryan’s analysis, </span><span>VV attracts stress away from VC because vocalic moras are more prominent than consonantal moras (enforced via the constraint </span><span>VV→MAIN</span><span>). We build on this analysis and propose that in Mam, V</span><span>ʔ </span><span>attracts stress away from VC because of its higher prominence. This result leads to a typological prediction, where differences in the phonological weight of V</span><span>ʔ </span><span>and other VC should fall out from language-specific phonetic realizations of V</span><span>ʔ</span><span>. </span></p></div></div></div>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Noah Elkinshttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5438The Effect of Cue-specific Lexical Competitors on Hyperarticulation of VOT and F0 Contrasts in Korean Stops2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Cheonkam JeongAndrew Wedel
<p>As is known, the fundamental frequencies (F0) of the vowels following aspirated or lenis stops have become associated with the aspirated~lenis stop contrast while Voice Onset Time (VOT) values of them became merged in Seoul Korean. Previous studies found the effects of age, gender, lexical frequency, and vowel height. However, although lexical competition has been demonstrated to affect the trajectory of sound change regarding contrastivity, it has not been considered in this context. The present study examines the effects of lexical competition on this sound change. Through a production experiment, analyses demonstrate that the aspirated~lenis contrast is hyperarticulated in minimal pairs for both VOT and F0, but only in aspirated stops with following high vowels. Moreover, speakers advanced in the sound change produce lower F0 values for lenis stops with following non-high vowels if an aspirated competitor exists. We find that the F0 distinction in lenis stops is more hyperarticulated in speakers advanced in the sound change, but that speakers appear to hyperarticulate VOT regardless of how much of a VOT contrast they normally produce themselves. This may be related to the fact that VOT is still a robust cue to the aspirated~lenis distinction in much of the speech community.</p>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Cheonkam Jeong, Andrew Wedelhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5457Adjustable word edges and weight-sensitive stress2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Elango Kumaran
In standard Optimality Theoretic analyses of weight-sensitive stress, no consideration is given to the<br />possibility that languages may reposition the edges of the prosodic word in order to avoid violations of<br />constraints related to syllable weight. I propose that this underexplored prediction is borne out in Karuk (isolate, California) and Majhi Punjabi (Indo-Aryan).
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Elango Kumaranhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5449The Segment Status of the Mandarin Glide: A Language Game Experiment2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Boer Fu
<p>The acquisition of a phonological grammar requires the segmentation of an utterance into individual consonants and vowels as a first step, yet it is often taken as a given. I show that segmentation is not a trivial problem by drawing evidence from Mandarin Chinese, where the shortage of morphophonological processes leads to ambiguity in the segmentation of prenuclear glides. I present two language game experiments, in which Mandarin speakers are asked to disassemble syllables in their language, thus revealing their segmental structure. The task, based on fanqie<em> </em>secret languages, involves taking a disyllabic word and swapping its two onsets, in order to form a codeword. What the speaker does with the glide informs us on how they have segmented the sound. A key finding of the experiments is that /j/ is more likely to be treated as an independent segment after non-palatal onsets, compared to palatal ones. Speaker variation, both interspeaker and intraspeaker, is observed. Nevertheless, Mandarin speakers converge on three distinct types.</p>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Boer Fuhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5563Ancient Greek Pitch Accent, Not Stress*2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Chris GolstonChristian Paulsen
<p>Ancient Greek accent involves both stress and tone (Allen 1973, Steriade 1988). We present here a new piece of evidence for the details of the tonal part, based on a lowering process whereby a H tone on the final TBU of a word lowers if the word is followed by another tonic word: H...H → L...H. This is essentially what is reported for Rimi, a Tanzanian Bantu language, where HH loses the first of its H tones (Olson 1964, ‘Anti-Meeussen’s Rule’). If correct, this motivates three tonal classes in Ancient Greek: HL* in words like basiléˈàà ‘king.acc’ (Sauzet 1989, Golston 1990) and two additional classes, H*L in basiˈléù ‘king.voc’ and H in basiˈleús ‘king.nom’. </p>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Chris Golston, Christian Paulsenhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5461Use It or Lose It Harmony in Komo2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Marjorie LeducAdam McCollum
<p>This paper discusses a case of putative dominance reversal in the Komo language (Otero 2015, 2019), which we analyze as a related, but distinct repair strategy called “Use it or Lose it” (Mullin & Pater 2015).</p>Mullin & Pater (2015) argue that Use it or Lose it harmony is a pathological prediction of Agree for the same basic reason that “Sour Grapes” harmony (Wilson 2003, 2006; Heinz & Lai 2013) has been regarded as pathological – both Use it or Lose it and Sour Grapes harmony patterns are non-myopic (Wilson 2003, 2006). Wilson argues that unbounded spreading patterns are universally myopic, and as such, no theory should predict that the realization of some element in spreading – trigger or target – depends on downstream information. However, recent research has shown that some patterns in natural languages are, in fact, non-myopic, indicating that the predictions of Agree are not as problematic as previously thought. This paper argues that the best analysis of Komo relies on the activity of [Atr] and both regressive [+Atr] spreading and [+Atr] trigger effacement are repairs to a single marked structure in the language, *VC<sub>0</sub>[Hi, Atr].
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Marjorie Leduc, Adam McCollumhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5418On the Distribution of Neutral Tone in Southern Min: LCC and Beyond2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Roger Cheng-yen LiuFeng-fan HsiehYueh-chin Chang
The aim of this paper is to address an often-overlooked topic in Southern Min tonology: neutral tone. We show that the tone sandhi domain in Southern Min is not always isomorphic with an XP in syntax or a phonological phrase. In fact, this domain may be smaller than what has been predicted, as evidenced in the phrase-final functional morphemes as well as in the rhythmic effect. We propose that the tone sandhi domain in Southern Min is defined by a constituent Tone Sandhi Domain (TSD, τ) between the p-phrase and the p-word. A TSD is required to bear a final prominence, and only a p-word, mapped from a contentive or focused element in syntax, can be a “prominence-bearing unit.”
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Roger Cheng-yen Liu, Feng-fan Hsieh, Yueh-chin Changhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5459Idiosyncratic Hiatus Resolution: An Argument for Gradient Harmonic Grammar2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Brian HsuCaitlin Smith
<span>This paper discusses implications for generative theories of phonological idiosyncrasy, based on two vowel reduction patterns exhibited in Palauan. First, the process involves multiple degrees of idiosyncrasy; in cases of stress shift, vowels may surface faithfully, reduce to some unpredictable degree, or delete entirely. Second, the process involves unpredictability with respect to the patterning of tautomorphemic vowels with respect to hiatus resolution. We show that Palauan vowel reduction and hiatus resolution receive a parsimonious analysis in Gradient Harmonic Grammar (Smolensky & Goldrick 2016), a weighted constraint system in which individual segments and features are specified for non-integer degrees of activity (i.e. presence) in input forms. By proposing that vowels in Palauan may be specified for distinct input activity values, we are able to capture the idiosyncratic patterning of individual vowels within these two processes.</span>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Brian Hsu, Caitlin Smithhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5442A dynamic neural field model of leaky prosody: proof of concept2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Jason Anthony ShawKevin Tang
<p class="Phon-Paragraph"><span>Recent work has shown that lexical items come to take on the phonetic characteristics of the prosodic environments in which they are typically produced, a phenomenon referred to as "leaky prosody". Focusing on pitch patterns in Mandarin, we show that leaky prosody can be derived from a flat (i.e., non-transformational, non-optimizing) model of speech production. Formalized using Dynamic Field Theory, in our model, lexical, phonological, and prosodic inputs each exert forces on a Dynamic Neural Field representing pitch. Notably, the forces exerted by these inputs reflect surface distributions in a large corpus of spontaneous speech. Our simulations showed that the flat model derives the short timescale effect of prosodic prominence on pitch production as well as the longer timescale effect of leaky prosody. By updating lexical items based on surface phonetic form, words that are consistently produced in high/low prosodic prominence positions take on the phonetic characteristics of those environments.</span></p>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Jason Anthony Shaw, Kevin Tanghttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5454Probing a Neural Network Model of Sound Change for Perceptual Integration2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Cerys Ashley Hughes
<p dir="ltr"><span>The cross-linguistic tendency for contrast shifts to occur between some cues more than others has been investigated typologically and experimentally (Yang 2019), but with less attention in computational modeling. This paper adapts a human experimental paradigm (Kingston et al. 2008) to the speech perception component of a neural network model of sound change (Beguš 2020) to better understand how it processes acoustic cues in the context of Yang’s proposal that auditory dimensions affect which cues are more likely to undergo contrast shift. Piloting this neural network probing technique, I find evidence that the model integrates different pairs of English stop voicing cues than humans do, suggesting that further amendments to the model are necessary to implement Yang (2019)’s account. In general, these results highlight potential acoustic processing differences between humans and the model under investigation, a Convolutional Neural Network, which is commonly used in spoken language applications.</span></p><div><span><br /></span></div>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Cerys Ashley Hugheshttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5447The Productive Status of Laurentian French Liaison: Variation across Words and Grammar2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Anne-Michelle TessierKaren JesneyKaili VesikRoger LoMarie-Eve Bouchard
<span>There are competing views in contemporary phonological theory about how to best represent processes that are pervasive, frequent, and phonologically motivated, yet still lexically sensitive. To what extent can – or should – a process that applies idiosyncratically to different morphemes, words, and even phrases, be represented in a way that allows it to generalize to novel forms? We examine this question by looking at prenominal liaison as it is used in contemporary Laurentian French, spoken in Canada. We present the results of an online production study that compares application of liaison in real vs. nonce nouns, and that considers the effect of nonce nouns’ phonological properties and morphosyntactic context on the process. We interpret our results as evidence that liaison behaviour is driven jointly by lexical representations and an abstract grammar, with properties of the real-word lexicon affecting liaison rates in nonce words. We further show that there is considerable variation in the population in the extent to which speakers produce liaison with real h-aspiré words, but that all speakers nonetheless share an understanding of what types of words are more vs. less likely to undergo liaison.</span>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Anne-Michelle Tessier, Karen Jesney, Kaili Vesik, Roger Lo, Marie-Eve Bouchardhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5427Mora Insertion in Tetsǫ́t’ıné: apparent cases of under- and overapplication2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Alessandro Michelangelo Jaker
<p>Tetsǫ́t’ıné is a dialect of Dëne Sųłıné (ISO: CHP) spoken in Canada’s Northwest Territories. In Tetsǫ́t’ıné, prefix vowel length is subject to a complex set of conditions. The basic generalization is that when a consonant is deleted at the same level that a preceding prefix is added, a short vowel results; whereas when a prefix is added first, and an intervocalic consonant deletes at a later level, a long vowel results (Jaker 2022). This paper addresses two apparent counterexamples to this generalation—that is, cases of exceptional long and short vowels, which may be thought of as overapplication or underapplication of mora insertion. In optative paradigms, the consonant <em>ɣ</em> lenites to <em>w</em> in the singular forms at Level 3. <em>w</em> then deletes at Levels 4 and 5, resulting in a short vowel following Level 4 and 5 prefixes. Conversely, the prefixes <em>θe</em> and <em>ɲe</em> are preceded by a null vowel lexically pre-associated to a High tone. This null vowel acquires a mora at Level 2, thus resulting in an exceptionally long vowel when the initial consonants of <em>θe</em> and<em> ɲe</em> are deleted following a Level 4 prefix.</p>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Alessandro Michelangelo Jakerhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5420An Economy-based Amendment to Learning Hidden Structure with Robust Interpretive Parsing2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Eunsun Jou
<p>Robust Interpretive Parsing is a method of learning hidden structure with error-driven learning algorithms (Tesar and Smolensky 1998, 2000). When an algorithm makes an error while learning a word, it calculates what it considers to be the structural representation of the word (the “target parse”) and changes its grammar accordingly. Among potential directions of grammar change, it chooses the direction that best satisfies the current constraint ranking. However, this choice is problematic because the current constraint ranking is guaranteed to be erroneous: had it not been erroneous, an error would not have occurred in the first place. While this problem has been recognized conceptually by Jarosz (2013), there have not been demonstrations of the problem arising in actual learning simulations. I present evidence from new learning simulations that the choice of target parse based on constraint ranking can indeed lead to learning failure. I then suggest an alternative method of choosing the target parse. This method opts for the target which involves the least amount of rerankings to accommodate for. In other words, it rewards economical change. While this alternative method does not lead to drastic improvement of performance, it does result in more efficient convergence.</p>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Eunsun Jouhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5439The Transmission of Vowel Harmony and Vowel Disharmony: An Iterated Learning Study2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Bingzi YuYoungah Do
<p>Substantive bias affects phonological acquisition in a way that learners may more readily learn phonetically motivated patterns. Some previous experimental work has proved the effect of substantive bias in a synchronic context, whereas how the bias influences diachronic changes has hardly been studied. This paper investigates the role of substantive bias in phonological transmission. We employed the iterated learning paradigm to compare the transmissions of two artificial languages exhibiting vowel harmony (phonetically natural) or vowel disharmony (phonetically unnatural). In general, participants performed equally well in the two conditions, and the proportions of the two patterns showed a similar decreasing tendency over generations, suggesting no bias effect in the process of language transmission.</p>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Bingzi Yu, Do Youngahhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5441Learning Stress with Feet and Grids2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Seung Suk LeeAlessa FarinellaCerys HughesJoe Pater
<span>This paper investigates quantity-insensitive stress learning using the MaxEnt learner of Pater and Prickett (2022) and compares the performance of the learner equipped with three different constraint sets: a foot-based constraint set and two grid-based constraint sets, one drawn directly from Gordon (2002), and one that changes the formulation of the main stress constraint to match the foot-based learner. The learner equipped with the foot-based constraint set succeeds at learning all the languages from the Gordon (2002) typology that it can represent; the structural ambiguity of the foot-based representations is not a problem in this regard. The foot-based learner also learns the languages as quickly in terms of number of epochs as the faster of the grid-based learners, which is the one with the revised main stress constraint. We conclude that the foot-based learner and the grid-based learner fare similarly well in this initial comparison on a typologically grounded set of learning problems.</span>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Seung Suk Lee, Alessa Farinella, Cerys Hughes, Joe Paterhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5424Variable Pitch Realization of Unparsed Moras in Suzhou Chinese: Evaluation Through F0 Trajectory Simulation and Classification2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Yuhong Zhu
This study aims to tease apart two proposals regarding the phonetic realization of toneless TBUs: that they are realized with default (often L) tones (Yip 2002; Zhang 2016), or that they stay without phonological tones and surface as interpolated pitch between tonal targets (Pierrehumbert & Beckman 1988; Zhang et al. 2019). The original fieldwork data of toneless moras in Suzhou Chinese (Northern Wu) demonstrated considerable variation in toneless realization, both across- and within-speaker. Assessed by the simulation & classification framework of Shaw and Kawahara (2018), some speakers more frequently used interpolation between tones (e.g., high level between Hs, low rising between L and H), while others realized the toneless mora with a relatively low pitch regardless of the tonal context. In addition, tonal contexts also affected how toneless moras were realized, with more interpolation when the toneless moras were surrounded by two Hs, and more default L insertion when the mora was preceded by L and followed by H. There was no unified way of toneless realization in Suzhou, much like a model of probablistic/variable phonological process would predict (Coetzee & Pater 2011; Coetzee & Kawahara 2013).
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Yuhong Zhuhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5445Paradoxes of MaxEnt markedness2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Giorgio MagriArto Anttila
<p><span>Over the past two decades, theoretical linguistics has taken a probabilistic turn. Maximum entropy (ME) has been endorsed as a model of probabilistic phonology because of its classical guarantees for grammatical inference. Yet, little is known about the basic organizing principles of ME phonology beyond circumstantial evidence of ME’s ability to fit specific patterns of empirical frequencies. The study of ME typologies is difficult because they consist of infinitely many grammars that cannot be exhaustively listed and directly inspected. Uniform Probability Inequalities (Anttila and Magri 2018) are a new tool that solves the problem: they characterize cases where one phonological mapping has a probability smaller than another mapping and this probability inequality holds uniformly for every grammar in the typology. In other words, uniform probability inequalities are universals of probabilistic grammars. We present a new generalization about ME uniform probability inequalities and argue that they are phonologically paradoxical and prune the set of ME universals down to almost nothing. This suggests that ME is not a suitable model of phonology.</span></p><p><span><br /></span></p>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Giorgio Magri, Arto Anttilahttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5446Ablaut and transitive softening in the Russian verb2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Ora Matushansky
<p>Transitive softening in Russian is a type of consonant mutation resulting from an underlying [CjV] cluster. There exist two closed classes of verbs where it occurs in the present tense in the absence of a clear source for a glide: five verbs with the thematic suffix ‑o‑, which can be illustrated by the verb <em>kolótʲ</em> ‘to stab’, and some 100 verbs with the thematic suffix ‑a‑, which can be illustrated by the verb <em>pisátʲ</em> ‘to write’. To explain how [o] and [a] end up as glides, I propose that the vowels in question change into their front counterparts as a result of the same process as that responsible for the stem ablaut in the verb <em>molótʲ</em> ‘to grind’ (1sg: <em>melʲú</em>). I argue that the hypothesis that ablaut can apply to thematic vowels as well as to stems makes it possible to account for another Russian verb exhibiting an unexpected behavior in the present tense (<em>revétʲ</em> ‘to bellow’). Since the latter part of the argument introduces ablauts involving more than one feature, the remainder of the paper is dedicated to the discussion of how multiple feature changes should be formalized.</p>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Ora Matushanskyhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5448Asymmetric Infixation2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Kate Mooney
<p>In this paper, I present novel evidence supporting the claim that there are no right-edge infixes. Based on a typological survey, I demonstrate that all putative right-edge infixes only surface in languages with right-edge prosodic prominences. It is therefore possible to reanalyze all right-edge infixes as prominence-oriented infixes. Infixes, as a result, are highly asymmetric: they can occur in the left edge of a stem or in a prosodically prominent position, but nowhere else. To account for this asymmetric distribution, I propose that infix subcategorization is implemented by Anchor, rather than Alignment. Anchor has been previously argued to also be asymmetric (Nelson 2003), where it can target left edges or prominent positions, but crucially never right edges alone. By contrast, Alignment does not predict this asymmetry. I therefore conclude that affixation is divided into two distinct typologies: reduplication and infixation are governed by Anchor, but generic affixation is governed by Alignment.</p>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Kate Mooneyhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5455Generalizing French Schwa Deletion: the Role of Indexed Constraints*2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Aleksei NazarovBrian Smith
<p>Indexed constraints (like cophonologies) increase a grammar’s fit to seen data, but do they hurt the grammar’s ability to generalize to unseen data? We focus on French schwa deletion, an optional process whose rate of application is modulated by both phonological and lexical factors, and we propose three indexed constraint learners in the Maximum Entropy (MaxEnt) framework. Using data from Racine (2008), we test the ability of four learners to capture existing patterns and generalize to unseen data: three learners and a control MaxEnt learner without indexed constraint induction. The Indexed constraint learners indeed lead to better fit to the training data compared to the control. The resulting grammars are tested on a different schwa deletion dataset from Smith & Pater (2020). It is shown that indexed constraints do not lead to a drop in generalization to these data, and one of the indexation learners produces a grammar that predicts Smith & Pater’s data quite closely. We conclude that indexed constraints do not necessarily hurt a grammar’s ability to generalize to unseen data, while allowing the grammar to achieve a closer fit to training data.</p>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Aleksei Nazarov, Brian Smithhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5435Is Sour Grapes Learnable? A Computational and Experimental Approach2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Brandon Prickett
<p class="Phon-Paragraph">In this paper, I present results from simulations using three different maximum entropy phonotactic models (Hayes & Wilson, 2008; Moreton et al., 2017): one that can only represent Sour Grapes, one that can only represent standard, attested harmony, and one that has the expressive power to capture both patterns. I then present results from an experiment designed to test the predictions of these models and find that humans behave most like the model that can capture both generalizations—challenging the idea that Sour Grapes is categorically unlearnable.</p>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Brandon Pricketthttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5440How morphological is Hungarian vowel harmony?2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Péter RebrusPéter SzigetváriMiklós Törkenczy
<p>There is a significant degree of phonological indeterminacy in front/back harmony in Hungarian (HVH), which manifests itself in lexical variation and/or vacillation. Harmonic behaviour in the zone of variation strongly supports the hypothesis that harmonic classes which individual roots belong to are organized as a paradigmatic system, very similar to inflectional classes. Such lexically determined declension classes are required independently of vowel harmony to account for various other lexically conditioned alternations in Hungarian, e.g., the alternations involving linking vowels in suffixes and yod in 3rd person possessives. A further evidence for the morphologisation of HVH is a paradigm uniformity effect, Harmonic Uniformity, which reduces harmonic uncertainty by making a stem’s harmonic behaviour predictable from that of its root. Thus, HVH is determined by morphology (paradigmatic classes and paradigm uniformity) in addition to (and sometimes overriding) phonology.</p>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Péter Rebrus, Péter Szigetvári, Miklós Törkenczyhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5444Gradient Symbolic Computation (Smolensky & Goldrick, 2016) does derive A’ingae stress patterns2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Eric Robert Rosen
This paper refutes the claim made by Dabkowski (2021) that stress patterns in the A’ingae language<br />that he documents and analyses are only explainable by co-phonologies and not by what he refers to<br />as ‘representational’ frameworks such as Gradient Symbolic Computation (Smolensky & Goldrick, 2016)<br />(henceforth GSC). This issue is important because it bears upon the question of what kinds of frameworks<br />can or cannot account for observed patterns in phonology.
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Eric Robert Rosenhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5452Paraguayan Guaraní reduplication: a novel prosodic analysis2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Katherine Russell
<span dir="ltr">In contexts of reduplication in Paraguayan Guaraní [gug, Tupí-Guaraní, Paraguay], two syllables are copied.</span><br /><span dir="ltr">The position of the reduplicant is variable, but morphophonologically conditioned. With data from apparent</span><br /><span dir="ltr">base-reduplicant mismatches, I evaluate three possible analyses of reduplication. </span><span dir="ltr">Contrary to previous</span><br /><span dir="ltr">accounts of reduplication in Tupí-Guaraní (Everett & Seki, 1985; Rose, 2005; Hamidzadeh, 2013), I argue</span><br /><span dir="ltr">that the reduplicant in Paraguayan Guaraní is best analyzed as an infix: specifically, a suffix to the stressed</span><br /><span dir="ltr">vowel. Reduplication in Paraguayan Guaraní is sensitive to stress assignment, which is determined by the</span><br /><span dir="ltr">prosodic structure, and the reduplicant is a disyllabic suffix to a stressed vowel. </span><span dir="ltr">The vowel to which the</span><br /><span dir="ltr">reduplicant attaches may lie within any prosodic word: </span><span dir="ltr">therefore, both attested and unattested types of</span><br /><span dir="ltr">variability in reduplicant position fall out from this account. I additionally propose that synchronic variation</span><br /><span dir="ltr">is evidence of an ongoing reanalysis of the position of the reduplicant in Paraguayan Guaraní from a suffix to</span><br /><span dir="ltr">the stressed vowel towards a suffix to the prosodic word, in line with free suffix order in the language.</span>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Katherine Russellhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5429The Calibrated Error-Driven Ranking Algorithm as a Solution to Oscillation in Antagonistic Constraints: A Necessary Bias for Algorithmic Learning of Kihnu Estonian2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Kaili Vesik
This paper investigates the learning of Kihnu Estonian, a minority dialect of Estonian (Balto-Finnic). I propose a set of constraints to account for Kihnu Estonian vowel harmony patterns, and show that they can be used to produce a restrictive grammar for Kihnu Estonian vowel harmony. With this constraint set, I model the acquisition of Kihnu Estonian vowel harmony via the application of the Gradual Learning Algorithm (Boersma and Hayes, 2001). Antagonistic constraints in the set I adopt pose obstacles to successful learning of the vowel patterns attested in the learning data. These obstacles can be circumvented via use of the update rule from the Calibrated Error-Driven Ranking Algorithm (Magri, 2012).This update rule has been argued to be detrimental to learning variation in stochastic OT. However, though it was originally proposed to address the Credit Problem (Dresher, 1999), I show that it is in fact an elegant solution to the learning problems caused by oscillating constraints when modeling acquisition of Kihnu Estonian vowel harmony.
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Kaili Vesikhttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5443Temporal Coordination and Markedness in Moenat Ladin Consonant Clusters2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Rachel WalkerYifan Yang
<p>In this paper we examine the phonotactics of consonant clusters in Moenat Ladin in terms of their markedness and temporal coordination. Moenat Ladin word-initial clusters include sibilant-stop (SC), stop-/r/ (Cr), stop-/l/ (Cl), and sibilant-stop-/r/ (SCr). However, despite SC and Cl sequences being well-formed in Moenat, sibilant-stop-/l/ (SCl) clusters are almost entirely unattested. We hypothesize that the rarity of SCl clusters owes to a cumulative markedness effect that arises from the combination of marked structures involved in SC and Cl sequences. Our investigation centers chiefly on the status of word-initial SC sequences in Moenat Ladin, for which we hypothesize that the sibilant is organized external to the syllable onset. This hypothesis is supported by an acoustic study of temporal coordination of Moenat, employing the methodology of Ruthan et al. (2019) and Durvasula et al. (2021). We propose a formal account in Harmonic Grammar (Legendre et al. 1990) such that SCl clusters exceed a markedness threshold in contrast to permissible clusters. In this account we employ a model of phonotactics in which a phonotactically non-permissible cluster is modeled as selection of the null parse (e.g. Albright 2008, 2012, Breiss & Albright 2022).</p>
2023-05-13T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Rachel Walker, Yifan Yanghttps://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/5187Phrasal Prominence Location is Influenced by IP Boundary Location in the Absence of Stress Clash2023-06-01T10:25:20+00:00Soundess Azzabou - KacemAlice Turk
<p>Several factors can influence early prominence in double-stressed words (e.g., <em>Maltese</em>), namely the presence of foot-level stress clash with a <em>following</em> word, and their adjacency to domain-initial boundaries. We test whether initial accent can occur in such words even when the words are spoken in isolation. Fourteen targets and 26 tri-syllabic filler-items were produced in isolation and in a frame sentence, e.g., [<em>Say Maltese</em> <em>again</em>], by 12 English speakers. In isolation, ‘Early’ prominence on, e.g., <em>Mal</em>- is more likely because the target is utterance- and phrase-initial. In the Embedded condition, phrasal prominence should be less likely on the initial syllable because there is a weaker boundary preceding the target. Three linguists coded prominence location. <em>Early</em> prominence <em>rates</em>, and <em>Early scores</em> (sum of ‘Early’ judgements/token) were calculated. While 96% of the Embedded tokens were perceived with ‘Late’ prominence<em>,</em> this pattern appeared in only 48% of the Isolated targets. The <em>Early scores</em> were also significantly higher in the Isolated condition. Overall, results suggest that doubly-stressed words show stress shifting to demarcate the left IP-edge. Because this study uses contexts free of stress clash with a following word, its results provide evidence that other factors, namely domain-onset-marking, can influence prominence location.</p>
2023-05-15T00:00:00+00:00Copyright (c) 2023 Soundess Azzabou - Kacem, Alice Turk