Towards a theory of scope rigidity: A case of focus sensitive question particles

Abstract

Turkish polar questions contain a focus-sensitive clitic =mI.  When =mI attaches to a DP and the clause is embedded, we observe that the matrix clause can be read as either declarative or interrogative.  We argue that the reading depends on the height of the focus relative to the embedded C.  To derive the matrix question reading, the focused DP covertly moves above C.  Turkish is often described as scope rigid, indicating that scope shifting covert movement is generally unavailable.  If our analysis is correct, covert movement is still licit in certain environments.