Reviewed by Svetlana Pashneva, Kursk State University

This volume is a collection of interdisciplinary studies examining the ways motions are encoded in Slavic languages. The multiplicity of approaches and perspectives presented here provides a comprehensive picture of the semantics, structure, and aspectual behavior of motion verbs. The book is divided into three parts, each addressing a particular area of investigation.

Part 1, ‘Diachrony of motion expressions’, consists of four chapters. The major issue addressed is the evolution of the expression of motion from Proto-Slavic to the present day. Sarah Turner argues that modern categories are not helpful for analyzing earlier texts because their organization differs from modern ones. The development of the indeterminate category of Slavic motion verbs is discussed in the articles by Johanna Nichols, Stephen M. Dickey, and Marc L. Greenberg.

Part 2, ‘Synchronic approaches to aspect’, contains three chapters investigating the place of motion verbs in the aspectual system of modern Slavic languages. The articles in this section utilize typological, semantic, functional, and cognitive approaches. Laura A. Janda argues that motion verbs are rather prototypical in their aspectual behavior and that a distinction of completability can account for the aspectual behavior of both motion and non-motion verbs. Olga Kagan demonstrates that the aspectual restrictions imposed on sentences containing indeterminate verbs are pragmatic, rather than se­mantic, in nature. Renee Perelmutter shows that aspectual choice depends on spatial relations between the mov­ing figure and an observer of motion at goal or origin of the motion trajectory.

Part 3, ‘Typological approach to the study of Slavic verbs of motion’, includes the remaining eight chapters. The impact of typological variation on lexicon, syntax, and discourse, as well as the fields of translation studies and second language acquisi­tion, are discussed here. Victoria Hasko demonstrates that compared to English, Russian motion verbs are more complex semantically and structurally, allowing greater specificity of motion descriptions. Similarly, Anetta Kopecka argues that the lexical set of manner verbs in Polish is both smaller and less fine-grained than in English. Luna Filipović explores the decisive role prefixes play in conveying information regarding spatial and temporal features of events in motion expressions, as well as determining lexical choices. Tatiana Nikitina argues that if an endpoint of motion is encoded by a locational phrase, the event of motion is inferred rather than expressed overtly.

Ekaterina V. Rakhilina shows that even close and genetically-related languages such as Russian and Polish exhibit a considerable difference in the ways their lexical systems structure the semantic field of rotation by privileging different parameters for lexical distinction. Similarly, Maria Koptjevskaja-Tamm, Dagmar Divjak, and Ekaterina V. Rakhilina demonstrate that closely related languages show significant typological differences in their aquamotion systems. Tore Nesset suggests that since the verb idti ‘to go on foot’ represents prototypical motion, it is used in a number of metaphorical senses as a generalized motion verb. Finally, Kira Gor, Svetlana Cook, Vera Malyushenkova, and Tatyana Vdovina show that the system of Russian verbs of motion is not fully acquired by even highly proficient second language learners of Russian, whether early or later starters.

References are given at the end of each chapter, and the volume ends with indexes of authors (383–85), languages (387–88), and subjects (389–92).

Reviewed by Roberta D’Alessandro, Leiden University

Structures and strategies is a collection of articles written by Adriana Belletti during her long career as a linguist. The most important contributions by B to syntactic theory are presented in this book, which offers a summa of her scientific work.

The volume is divided into two parts. Part 1 is dedicated to ‘Clause structure and verb related syntax’; and Part 2 to ‘The syntax of (some) discourse related strategies’.

After a brief introduction, Part 1 opens with Ch. 1 ‘Generalized verb movement’, a reprint of an article that first appeared in 1990 in the book of the same name which set the agenda of syntactic research on agreement by proposing the existence of two functional projections exclusively dedicated to verb-argument agreement. Ch. 2 addresses the issue of ‘Agreement and case in past participial clauses in Italian’, expanding the idea of morphological inflection through head incorporation in syntax. Ch. 3 offers a fine-grained analysis of verb movement in Italian and a detailed cartography of the structural positions targeted by head movement. Ch. 4 features a comparative analysis of past participial agreement in French and Italian. Ch. 5 examines clitic doubling and the internal structure of clitics. Starting from the assumption that clitics move from their base position, B argues that this movement is ascribable to Case checking requirements. The landing position of clitics depends instead on verbal inflectional morphology checking requirements. Enclisis and proclisis configurations find here a principled explanation.

Part 2 is devoted to discourse structure and collects B’s contribution to information structure theory. Ch. 6 reproduces B’s seminal insights regarding the existence of a so-called ‘low periphery’ of the VP, mirroring that proposed for the CP field. Subject inversion structures are investigated, and the proposal is put forward that the subject in these constructions occupies a (new information) focus position. Movement of the subject to this focus position in inversion structures is again conditioned by Case checking requirements. Next, VSO and VOS structures are examined. The general conclusion is drawn that the low IP area is much richer than previously assumed. This idea is further developed in Chs. 7 and 8.

Ch. 9 departs radically from the rest of Part 2 by discussing how linguistic evidence from language acquisition (of null subjects, of complementizer in subject extraction, and of clitic placement) can contribute to the development of a more explanatorily adequate syntactic theory. Next, B examines answering strategies and the nature of clefts. Finally, Ch. 11 builds on the same idea of parallel ‘edges’ (or peripheries, for the CP and the VP) to examine clitic left dislocations and hanging topics.

This book is a valuable resource for scholars working on agreement and sentence structure. It reproduces some book parts and articles that had been quite difficult to find, yet have constituted cornerstones of syntactic theory in the last twenty years.

Reviewed by Marc Pierce, University of Texas at Austin

The first sentence of Cyran’s book clearly sets out the goal of the study: ‘to demonstrate that the basic principles of phonological organisation boil down to the interaction between the strength of nuclei as licensers of phonological structure and various non-rerankable scales of complexity occurring at different levels of phonological representation’ (v). The theoretical model employed here is a version of government phonology, relying largely on ‘element theory’: ‘elements’ are described as ‘[t]he smallest units of phonological representation in Government Phonology’ (2); and they ‘can be characterized as privative, cognitive units which enjoy a stand-alone phonetic interpretability’ (2). In C’s view, the use of element theory allows for a simpler analysis of many phonological phenomena. He contends, for instance, that element theory is better-suited to analyzing weakening processes than sonority-based approaches, as ‘the weakening of vowels…results in less and less sonorous objects’, but ‘the weakening of consonants…results in more and more sonorous ones’ (13–14). In his view, this paradox is avoided within element theory, as ‘all stages of vowel weakening and consonant lenition are of the same nature: depletion of melodic complexity’ (14).

The book is divided into three thematic chapters, and there is also a brief conclusion. Ch. 1, ‘Substantive complexity’ (1–73), first describes the principles of element theory and then uses the theory to analyze data from Irish and Welsh. C argues that ‘a number of phonological phenomena depend on the internal complexity of segments’ (71). In his treatment of vowel epenthesis in Irish, for instance, he contends that ‘Irish clusters with a complexity differential of three elements…are never broken up by an epenthetic vowel…[but] clusters in which the differential is two elements or less must be broken up by epenthesis’ (32–33). Ch. 2, ‘Formal complexity’ (75–185), attempts to show ‘how exactly substantive complexity is incorporated into the higher level of phonological organization’ (75), focusing largely on syllable structure. Much of the discussion in this chapter focuses on what C refers to as the complexity scales and licensing (CSL) model, which modifies earlier government phonology approaches to syllabification; it combines formal complexity with licensing. The CSL model is largely illustrated with thorough discussions of data from English and Polish. The final thematic chapter, ‘The phonological structure of words’ (187–288), progresses from syllables to words. The focus here is on liquid metathesis in the history of the Slavic languages and on permissible clusters at word edges (largely in Dutch and English).

I have mixed feelings about this book. On the one hand, C is clearly extremely well-versed in his subject, and his analyses are thought-provoking. The conclusion also points to a number of topics for possible future research within this theory (e.g. dialect variation and language acquisition). On the other hand, the discussion is rather dense; I often found myself having to go back and reread passages, and a few remained opaque even after several re-readings. The book is also not as accessible to phonologists not sharing C’s theoretical background as one might wish. The book certainly deserves to be read, but I do have to wonder just how widely read it will be.

Reviewed by David Elton Gay, Bloomington, IN

In 1967 the International Comparative History Association created an ongoing series of books on the comparative history of European literature. Several recent volumes, such as the one reviewed here, have taken this project in a new direction and focus on the literatures of particular regions within Europe.

A comparative history of literatures in the Iberian Peninsula surveys the whole of Peninsular literature from the Middle Ages to the present. The volume is divided into five sections. The essays in the first section, by Fernando Cabo Aseguinolaza and César Domínguez, look at the historiographical background to and theoretical problems encountered in the study of Iberia as a cultural and literary region. The issues raised in these opening essays are examined in more detail in the context of the national literatures, ‘The Iberian Peninsula as a literary space’, though the comparative element is not lost. The essays cover such topics as travel literature, Catalan, Galician, and Basque literatures, and the role of cities in the Portuguese literary imagination.

The next section, ‘The multilingual literary space of the Iberian Peninsula’, is the only linguistic section. The essays examine issues that were of major importance in medieval Iberia, such as multilingualism, bilingualism, and the cultural roles of Arabic, Latin, Hebrew, and the Romance languages and literatures, though there are also essays like Karmela Rotaetxe’s ‘Basque as a literary language’ that are wider in temporal scope. This section is followed by another, ‘Dimensions of orality’, that also has much of interest for the linguist, even though the focus is largely on folkloric matters such as folk epic, ballad, and lyric.

The last section, ‘Temporal frames and literary (inter-)systems’, concerns Iberian literary politics. These essays provide helpful background to the cultural and social status of the languages and literatures of Iberia.

This is not a book intended for linguists, but linguists working on Iberian languages should nonetheless be aware of it. Though a preliminary report on a new way of looking at Iberian literatures and languages, the volume nonetheless offers a suggestive view of how the comparative study of the languages and literatures of the peninsula (both oral and written) can provide greater understanding of both the individual languages and literatures and their long-term cultural interactions in Iberia.

Reviewed by Stuart Davis, Indiana University

This volume is the fourth in Equinox’s Advances in optimality theory, the major outlet for monographs on optimality theory (OT). The volume contains an introduction plus eleven chapters divided into two parts: Phonological argumentation and the bases of optimality theory (Part 1) and Case studies in phonological argumentation (Part 2). The editor and all the authors are either students of John McCarthy or closely connected with him. The introduction has personal comments about McCarthy by several of the contributors.

Space limitations allow discussion of only a few of the chapters from an analytic perspective. Ch. 1, ‘Grammar is both categorical and gradient’ by Andries Coetzee, combines experimental work with formal OT showing that speakers have judgments on preferences for nonwords (e.g. English *[skVk] nonwords are preferable to *[spVp] nonwords). He concludes that speakers access grammar in both a categorical and gradient manner and that grammar is not just a projection of lexical statistics.  Ch. 5, ‘Morpheme-specific phonology: Constraint indexation and inconsistency resolution’ by Joe Pater, makes a compelling case for lexically-indexed constraints (both markedness and faithfulness) as more advantageous than a cophonology approach or one where only faithfulness constraints can be indexed.

Ch. 6, ‘Source similarity in loanword adaptation: Correspondence theory and the posited source-language representation’ by Jennifer Smith, takes a middle ground between phonological and perceptual viewpoints on loanword adaptation, allowing for the formal phonology to determine the output of loanword forms while permitting influence from such factors as orthography and perception of the source acoustic form. Smith posits an SB correspondence relation, where S is the source language form as represented by the speaker of the borrowing language and B is the output of the borrowed form. The S form, however, can consider factors such as orthography and second language perception. Since SB faithfulness constraints are ranked amongst input-output (IO) faithfulness constraints, Smith can account for the common phenomenon whereby loanwords witness a different repair strategy from native words.

Two articles stand out in Part 2: ‘The onset of the prosodic word’ by Junko Itô and Armin Mester (Ch. 9) and ‘Infixation as morpheme absorption’ by Ania Łubowicz (Ch. 10). The former offers a comprehensive analysis of intrusive and linking-r as exemplified in Eastern New England saw-r-Ann and better off. One issue is how to account for the lack of intrusive –r after function words as in gonna eat where no [r] occurs before the vowel-initial content word, at least in the Eastern New England variety. Itô and Mester posit an onset constraint such that the maximal projection of the prosodic word cannot begin with a vowel. In gonna eat the word eat is not at the beginning of a maximal projection and so insertion does not occur, thus distinguishing this from saw Ann. The different facts in other English varieties are handled by constraint reranking.

Łubowicz examines cases in which single morphemes can surface as prefix or infix depending on whether there is an obligatory contour principle (OCP) violation. Łubowicz develops an OT analysis of morpheme absorption, whereby infixes are incorporated within roots and are subject to root-internal OCP constraints, but prefixes are not so incorporated. Of the chapters not discussed, Máire Ni Chiosáin and Jaye Padgett’s ‘Contrast, comparison sets, and the perceptual space’ (Ch. 4) is an important contribution offering a more traditional OT approach to dispersion theory.

In sum, this valuable volume reflects the many ways that John McCarthy has influenced the field.

Reviewed by Elly van Gelderen, Arizona State University

This is a reprint of the 1923 first edition, and there is no preface justifying reprinting it. Perhaps it is because De Lacy O’Leary was a well-known author of his day on a number topics including Arabic. He was an Irish priest who taught himself Arabic (as well as Gaelic) outside of academia (Harry Bracken p.c.).

The book consists of an introduction, five chapters on phonology (a little over 100 pages), three chapters on pronouns, one on the noun, one on the verb, and a last on particles. The introduction considers Semitic as consisting of five branches, Arabic, Abyssinian, Hebrew, Aramaic, and Assyrian, and Semitic itself as belonging to a larger Hamitic group (5). The phonological chapters are quite detailed and contain much diachronic information. There are chapters on the ‘temporary modification’ of consonants, vowels, and syllables. Assimilation and dissimilation of various kinds are described, as are metathesis, insertion, and elision.

I found the chapters on pronouns very readable and providing much diachronic insight. For instance, the absolute personal pronoun is used as emphatic and in the first and second person, it is often resumed by a demonstrative `an– similar to the Egyptian ‘in– (from which we get the forms ‘ink and ntk), which led to the loss of the enclitic pronouns in later Egyptian (139). The numerous particles that are involved in the demonstrative pronoun system are described and compared (da, di, ha, ‘ay, la, ka, na,ma, ta, ya, and aga), with a treatment of their combinations in the various languages. Unfortunately, the chapter on relatives and interrogatives is only three pages long, but it has interesting short hints on the use of the article al, the root sha, and the interrogative ma as relative pronouns.

While the chapter on the noun starts by inquiring into whether nouns or verbs are the older word class (175), O concedes that this will not ‘advance the practical work of philology’. It includes a discussion of roots, affixes, gender, number, and case. The last chapter but one discusses the verb’s valency alternations, tense, mood, and aspect, and the last chapter concerns prepositions, ‘Prepositions governing clauses’, and exclamatory, negative, interrogative, and conditional particles. Of the negatives, Arabic la, bal, ma, and ‘in are discussed with counterparts in the other languages, but (again unfortunately) this chapter is short (with only nine pages).

Although this book might serve as a useful introduction for a historical linguist, the reader should check the current literature on all topics. In short, this book is valuable for reminding us how the state of the art has changed in the past century.

Reviewed by Dimitrios Ntelitheos, United Arab Emirates University

This book treats subordinators as modal markers, with general subordinators expressing propositional modality, the speaker’s attitude to the truth value of the proposition. The book is divided into eleven chapters. The first chapter introduces the main topic of subordination as propositional modality and provides a brief discussion of the research paradigms, the methodology, and the materials used. Chs. 2–4 present a typological study of modality and subordinators, while Chs. 5–10 treat the same structures within the Germanic languages.

Ch. 2 discusses the general issue of modality and explains the terms and definitions used. Modality is divided into three categories: speech-act, propositional, and event modality, with a focus on the second. Crosslinguistic data are adduced to argue against a super-category of Modality as being too vague conceptually. Ch. 3 discusses the morphosyntactic status of propositional modality, presenting two new typological surveys. If subordinators express propositional modality, then modality markers should be able to take scope over the finite proposition, including tense. The surveys show that across languages modality markers occur outside tense nine times more often than inside it. Ch. 4 discusses the relation between subordinators and modality. N argues that complementizers denote factuality, which is distinct from speech-act modality. This is supported by surveys showing that complementizers often denote modal distinctions and is further strengthened in Ch. 5 with the robust typological observation that there are many markers of realis-irrealis mood that double as subordinators.

Ch. 6 treats the Germanic indicative and subjunctive as propositional modality markers. Ch. 7 moves to the distribution of modal markers and word order in Germanic languages. Languages lacking the indicative-subjunctive distinction still maintain propositional modality as a functional category of the verb. In Ch. 8 then presents her main proposal that general subordinators like that and if lexicalize propositional modality; that is mainly used when the speaker presupposes that the proposition is true or presented as true. Ch. 9 moves to speech-act modality, while Chapter 10 discusses the status of relative and adverbial subordinators. The former are treated on a par with general subordinators (and thus propositional modality markers), while the latter belong to different functional categories. Ch. 11 provides overall concluding remarks for the book. There follow two appendices presenting N’s typological surveys of the morphosyntactic status of propositional modality and her sources.

This book provides a novel account of the status of general subordinators. There is a detailed literature review of modality and subordination, and N provides rich typological data, some new, to support her main proposal. It is essential reading for anyone interested in subordination and modality, whether coming from a typological/functional or a purely formal theoretical background.

Reviewed by Don E. Walicek, University of Puerto Rico at Río Piedras

This book surveys projects that use creole languages in education. The initiatives documented are situated in terms of sociolinguistic context, language ideologies, educational policy, and future goals. Most of the discussions analyze curriculum, teaching, and current challenges.

In Ch. 1 the editors survey the sociohistorical and political issues traditionally hindering the pedagogical use of creole languages. The editors also comment on factors that have encouraged the integration of these varieties. They include a fourteen-step roadmap for establishing and maintaining effective programs.

In the next chapter, Christina Higgins describes Da Pidgin Coup, a group working to raise awareness about Pidgin in Hawai’i and discusses efforts to counter and transform negative language attitudes. In the following chapter, Eeva Sippola discusses three Chabacono (Philippine Creole Spanish) projects, comparing an extra-institutional grassroots program in Cavite with two others.

The focus shifts to the Caribbean island of Guadeloupe in Ch. 4. Mirna Bolus explains that France instituted competitive qualifying examinations for teachers of Creole (a medium of instruction in Guadeloupe) in 2001. The documentation of projects in French overseas departments continues with Bettina Migge and Isabelle Léglise’s insightful description and assessment of three programs in French Guiana, noting resources they provide and obstacles they face.

The use of Kriol in the schools of Nicaragua’s Caribbean Coast is the focus of Arja Koskinen’s Ch. 6. Written by Karen Carpenter and Hubert Devonish, the next chapter evaluates a bilingual education program involving Jamaican Creole and English. In both cases, preliminary results attest to the effectiveness of the fully bilingual approach.

Next, Hazel Simmons-McDonald reviews the language situation in St. Lucia and describes a bilingual instructional pilot program in English and French Creole. In Ch. 9, Jo-Anne S. Ferreira describes programs and materials involving Kheuól, the mother tongue of the indigenous Karipúna and Galibi-Marwono of northern Brazil. The author suggests that future language preservation initiatives should directly address the needs of specific groups.

The survey continues with Marta Dijkhoff and Joyce Pereira’s work on Papiamentu’s historical trajectory as a language in the educational systems of Aruba, Bonaire, and Curaçao. Next, Marlyse Baptista, Inês Brito, and Saídu Bangura describe the use of Cape Verdean in education as a linguistic and human right, documenting language attitudes, orthographic conventions, and dialectal variation. Finally, Ronald C. Morren describes the linguistic situation on three Colombian islands where an English-lexifier Creole is spoken: San Andres, Providence, and Santa Catalina. The chapter discusses a primary school trilingual project involving Creole, Standard English, and Spanish.

This inspiring and highly informative volume has much to offer readers and policy makers. It brings linguistics to life by making timely and empirically-supported arguments about the importance of creole languages. What contribution could be more valuable than improving such a basic element of the educational opportunities of creole-speaking youth?

Reviewed by Kanavillil Rajagopalan, State University at Campinas, Brazil

This book is concerned with an intensely researched issue in contemporary language studies, the formation and refashioning of identity in and through language. Rather than discussing identity in the abstract, G focuses on the negotiation of identity in a concrete linguistic setting, the island of Java.

Subtitled ‘Neighborhood talk in Indonesia’, the book takes an in-depth look at the bewildering linguistic reality of Indonesia, made even more complex and, to many outsiders, intractable by the religious and ethnic diversity of the region. What distinguishes G’s approach is his emphasis on hard-nosed empirical investigation instead of the more familiar post-structuralist and social constructivist approaches, as discussed in Ch. 1. The object of G’s investigation is how talk plays a vital role in mediating social relations. The analysis is based on data gathered from two Rukun Tetangga (‘ward(s)’) of Semarang, a city in north-east Java.

Chs. 2 and 3 are devoted to unpacking the complexities of enregisterment, in which certain stereotypes of language-identity relationships come into being. G drives home the point that language and identity are ultimately inseparable concepts. Ch. 4, ‘Linguistic signs, alternation, crossing and adequation’, examines how language categorization, language choice, codeswitching, and so forth play out in the conversational narratives of ward members. Ch.5 focuses on processes of social identification in a situation of increasingly large migratory movements.

The chapter that follows takes a closer look at how ‘one non-Javanese newcomer learns to use fragments of ngoko [informal] Javanese as part of a collusive telling of a story about one neighbor’s perceived inappropriate actions’ (5). Chs. 7 and 8 further explore the set of strategies that newcomers employ to integrate themselves into the host community, which often fly in the face of firmly entrenched language ideologies. G notes that these practices, despite their first appearance of being gendered, may admit of more nuanced interpretations. Ch. 9 distinguishes two language ideologies in the wards, one relating to interaction among local Javanese and the other to language use in interethnic interactions. G underscores the vital role of governmental policy in the formation of the second language ideology.

The book offers the reader a window on a corner of the earth where language and identity go hand in hand, a fact further brought into relief by ongoing migration and the resultant readjustments in fashioning individual identities and imagining the social fabric.

Reviewed by Dimitrios Ntelitheos, United Arab Emirates University

This book is a collection of updated versions of fifteen talks presented in a workshop on QP Structure, Nominalizations, and the role of DP at Saarland University in December 2005. The collection is introduced by the editors’ thorough overview of quantifiers and definiteness in recent syntactic theory. The book is divided into three parts exploring connections between quantification, definiteness, and nominalization.

The first part starts with an article by Lisa Matthewson analyzing the element –nukw in St’at’imcets as assuming a presuppositional element to the semantic definition of the item. Lisa Lai-Shen Cheng explores the cooccurrence of Chinese mei ‘every’ with dou ‘all’ and reduplicated classifiers, relying on selectional/interpretive differences in Mandarin and Cantonese classifiers. Urtzi Etxeberria discusses contextually restricted quantification in Basque, showing that quantifiers are restricted by both nominal restriction and the presence of Q-determiners. Luisa Martí argues from contextual restrictions that the Spanish indefinite algunos introduces a contextual variable and proposes a hierarchical organization of the basic building blocks of indefinites. Kook-Hee Gil and George Tsoulas discuss quantification and DP/QP structure in Korean and Japanese, addressing the status of classifiers and indeterminate quantification.

The second part of the book starts with Louise McNally’s article arguing that there is room for semantic variation within property-based analyses of existentials. There-existential predicates are better analyzed as involving true property predications and not semantic incorporation. Donka Farkas and Henriëtte de Swart extend a previous analysis of crosslinguistic variation in article choice in generic and non-generic contexts. Amim von Stechow introduces a new positive operator Pos (a universal quantifier over degrees) to derive the semantics of German temporal adjectives by viewing times as ‘degrees’. Helen de Hoop proposes that animacy affects the ‘prominence’ of noun phrases, thereby contributing to the interpretation of animate noun phrases similarly to definiteness.

The final part, on nominalizations, begins with Artemis Alexiadou’s discussion of the role of syntactic locality in morphological processes. Using data from Greek derived nominals, the author distinguishes verbalizers from projections that introduce arguments and shows that result nominals and nominals with argument structure share the same basic verbal structure. Manfred Bierwisch treats nominalizations as syntactically and semantically conditioned lexical phenomena. Heidi Harley explores the internal structure of event nominalizations based on the properties of verb-particle constructions and proposing an analysis of verbalizing morphemes as underspecified spell-outs of an eventive v head. Thomas Roeper and Angeliek van Hout treat   –ability nominalizations on par with passive structures based on thematic restrictions on the DP-specifier position. Finally, Tal Siloni and Omer Preminger address crosslinguistic restrictions on voice alternations within nominalizations.

The volume is an essential reference on the syntax and semantics of quantification, nominalization, and definiteness. The breadth of empirical coverage and the unique explorations of the interfaces between syntax, semantics, and the lexicon make this volume important reading for specialists, as well as graduate students interested in the nominal domain.