Re-constraining massive pied-piping: An argument for non-interrogative CPs

Abstract

Unlike traditional wh-movement and obligatory pied-piping, massive pied-piping is restricted in the types of clauses in which it may occur. Heck (2004, 2008) argues that massive pied-piping constructions are restricted to non-subordinate clauses in English. This paper (i) investigates the availability of massive pied-piping of DPs in complements of know and surprise-type predicates; (ii) proposes a revised generalization on massive pied-piping that restricts the construction to non-interrogative clauses; and (iii) proposes a hybrid analysis that combines Cable's (2010) Q-movement analysis with Den Dikken's (2003) two-stage wh-movement operation, thus accounting for the wider set of environments covered by the revised generalization on massive pied-piping in English.