Focus, Q-Particles and prosodic inversion

Abstract

This paper examines a second-position focus clitic in Kalaallisut (Inuit, Greenland) and argues that it provides support for Cable’s (2010) theory of Q-particles. Moreover, we demonstrate that anti-pied-piping, in the sense of Branan and Erlewine (2023), extends to possessive structures, a configuration not discussed in their work. Finally, the paper provides the first detailed analysis of the interaction between syntactic structure and prosodic inversion in Kalaallisut focused possessive nominals.