Agreement mismatch in Uyghur partitives: A split φ-Feature analysis

Abstract

This research presents a novel case study of agreement mismatch in Uyghur partitive DPs, where DPs containing 1st/2nd person pronouns show third-person possessor agreement but 1st/2nd person verbal agreement. I propose a dual-feature analysis in which φ-features split into morphological (φM) and semantic (φS) features, and different probes are relativized to target either type of φ-features. To prevent overgeneration within this system, I introduce the Structural Constraint on Probe Escalation (SCOPE), which dictates that probe specifications escalate monotonically from φM to φS up the syntactic spine. This analysis offers a unified account for both categorical and exceptional patterns in Uyghur partitives, and potentially similar patterns in other languages. By reflecting the basic tendencies of the Agreement Hierarchy, it provides a typologically informed and flexible framework with broader potential to capture hybrid agreement cross-linguistically.